By Mark Boahndao

Buchanan, April 12, 2023 – Corruption in Liberia is not a new problem; it has been present in the country for many years and continues to take on new forms. Its rampancy has become ingrained in the country's culture. Citizens continue to herald their voices about the culture of impunity where corruption is seen as acceptable and has become a norm in society. In the wake of this, there must be innovative and robust ways to tackle this menace — starting from the family to the Government.

In continuation of efforts to strengthen the fight against this national enemy – corruption, the Center for Transparency and Accountability in Liberia (CENTAL) in partnership with the Liberia Anti-Corruption Commission (LACC), Integrity Watch Liberia, and the Accountability Lab Liberia with support from the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA) through the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), has rekindled the awareness-raising around the use of technology as an innovation to report corruption and other mediums in Grand Bassa, Bomi, Bong, Nimba, and Montserrado counties.

The citizens of Grand Bassa County were awakened to the sound (music) of awareness about the TALKAY mobile app and website platform to file complaints or report corruption. Prior to street engagement, the media (local radio) was prioritized to adequately and simply disseminate this innovation of reporting corruption. Ordinarily, most citizens rely on the media to provide information and education. Using the media to increase citizens’ awareness and reportage about the act and other forms of corruption through an innovative approach has been at a pivotal point of the activities in the west central portion of Liberia — Buchanan.

As awareness-raising continues to intensify in the streets, schools, and communities, citizens continue to raise their voices proclaiming the adverse impacts of corruption and how it is gradually permeating society from the bottom to the top. Citizens are increasingly recognizing the importance of taking action against corruption and are raising their voices to demand accountability and transparency from their leaders. Despite the challenges, the fight against corruption is gaining momentum, and citizens' voices are becoming increasingly important in holding the government and its leaders accountable. By continuing to raise their voices and demand transparency and accountability, citizens can play a critical role in building a more just and equitable society.

“Corruption is being practiced by almost everyone.” Patience Dolo. As a marketer, she is alarmed about the prevalence of corruption among market women. Most of them including herself are involved in corrupt practices because the wholesalers of dry and perishable goods are cheaters. “The only way we can reduce corruption is to punish the big people. When we see their level of punishment, it will serve as deterrence for us not to get involved it in.” She added.

Love S. Flahnma, a student boldly lamented the leniency of the school administrators to take action against corrupt teachers. “If we continue to take less action against teachers, students will not be afraid to practice corruption”, She concluded.

According to the analytics of the TALKAY web platform [https://www.talkay.org/reportstatistics], sixty-three (63) complaints have been reported from twelve (12) counties since the intense outreach activities started two (2) months ago across Liberia. Rivercess is in the lead with 14 complaints and Grand Bassa holds the least with 2 complaints. Montserrado, Margibi, Grand Kru, Grand Gedeh, Bong, Nimba, Lofa, Grand Cape Mount, Gbarpolu, and Bomi falls below 10 complaints. For the project counties, Montserrado, Grand Bassa, Bomi, Nimba and Bong counties have accumulated thirty-three (33) complaints so far. Most of the cases reported from these counties borders on the misuse of Government properties, misuse of public funds, bribery, and extortion. The percentage of reporting per gender is 21% male and female 16%. Cases investigated is at 5% while those under investigation is at 8% and allegation of corruption is at 87%.

As the team’s spirit continues in the awareness-raising around the country on the innovation of reporting corruption, Atty. Bendu Kpoto, CENTAL’s Legal Officer, and team members admonished citizens to vote wisely, especially by voting for those candidates based on their past track records taking into consideration transparency and accountability. And while citizens continue to express displeasure at corruption, the question lingers: Is anyone listening?

How CENTAL aborted over LRD$60,000 payment to school administration in Rivercess

Corruption and fraud in schools are causing serious economic constraints for parents/guardians and compromising the future of the youth in Liberia. It is preventing poorer parents from sending their children to school, and lowering teaching standards thus wrecking the education system.   

In February, 2022, a matter was reported by students of the Cestos High School in Rivercess County regarding what was referred to as, ‘illegal collection’ of L$2,000.00 from over thirty (30) senior students which is equivalent to L$ 60,000 and US$ 397.39 of the School as summer school fee. The fee was intended to be paid by students who didn’t make successful passes in the School’s academic requirements. The amount was in addition to a LRD$ 5,000.00 per student equivalent to L$ 150.000 and US$ 993.48 stipulation of the Ministry of Education for all senior students as graduation fee. Because of the constraint some students had in paying the fee, they decided to report and seek redress. This is one of the many instances that is unheard of in schools and other institutions in and around the country.  

What did CENTAL Do?    

Upon receipt of the report, CENTAL, through its County Field Officer held immediate engagement with the School’s administration aimed at resolving the matter.

Following the engagement, the administration decided to disregard the collection of the extra fees and reimbursed students who made initial payments. The administration’s plan to have collected over LD$60,000.00 from the already struggling senior students was aborted as a result of CENTAL’s prompt intervention.  

Socially, the illegal collection of fees from student for service in education has a wide range of consequences. It acts as a barrier to education, because it makes the cost of acquiring an education prohibitive, or cause reluctance in students to put effort in learning or acquiring education. Amazingly, many students, would want to report but the lack of reporting mechanism, especially one that protects the identities of whistleblowers has prevented many people from reporting this act of corruption, even if they opposed it.

Many have been fearful of different factors – loss of jobs, relationships and even their lives. Or treatments meted out against a few colleagues who dared and opposed the act were enough reasons to compel other into submission or self-censorship. There has never been any framework or mechanism to facilitate reporting acts of corruption in the public and private sectors.       

To this end, CENTAL, under its National Integrity Building and Anti-Corruption (NIBA) Program established a confidential reporting mechanism to reporting.

The Advocacy and Legal Advice Center (ALAC), through a toll-free hotline number, 4432 provides a safe space for citizens to report all acts of corruption and integrity related in homes, communities, schools, workplaces etc. It also provides access to information and legal advice for victims of corruption and others citizens.

Over the last two years, CENTAL has increased anti-corruption and integrity building awareness, especially the need to freely and confidentially report and seek redress to acts of corruption across its seven project counties – Montserrado, Bong, Nimba, Grand Bassa, Bomi, Gbarpolu and Rivercess.

Feedbacks from the different engagements indicate that the message is resonating with the people. They are reaching out. The ALAC has so far recorded over one hundred and eighty-eight (188) cases of corruption have so far. Of this, one hundred and fifty-seven (157) were males while thirty-one (31) were females.  The abortion of over LRD $ 60.00 illegal payment is one of the many cases resolved.

Some of these cases were resolved either through mediation, legal advice while others were referred to relevant public authorities for redress.

The NIBA Program is a 3.5-year Program funded by the Government of Sweden through the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA).

Pregnant Women abandoned at Maternity Waiting Home in Bong County

By: Dr. Akiah P. Glay

Gender Officer/ Coordinator, Open Expenditure Initiative

Center for Transparency and Accountability in Liberia (CENTAL)

Over eight (8) pregnant women at the Maternity Waiting Home (MWH) in Forequelleh Town, Bong County are said to be faced with the issue of abandonment and lack of support. Like many MWHs across Liberia, the facility was constructed to accommodate pregnant women during pregnancy and baby mothers after birth to enable them have timely access to essential childbirth treatments and care.

But, pregnant women at the Forequelleh Town Safe Home have been left without the needed support and care as intended. Some have described the Home as a ‘death trap’ rather than a Safe Home.     

“It is only because our homes are far away from the hospital that’s why we are here. Otherwise, we would prefer to stay home until our due dates …”

      _____Women who stay at the Forequelleh MWH

Inside the MWH in Forequelleh

Garmai and Hannah were met cooking outside on a wood fire at the front of the Maternity Waiting Home (MWH) in Forequelleh town, district# 4, Bong County. They are in their ninth month of pregnancy and have been at the facilitate for nearly two weeks.

Aside from the physical structure provided by the government, the rest including bed, food and other social and dietary needs are provided by their family. They also have to go and fetch water, wood and basic items to prepare the food brought by their relatives.  If MWH is intended to be a safe home to reduce maternal mortality rate, with these conditions, it seems a death trap for women and their unborn due to the many challenges.

Background

Maternity Waiting Homes (MWHs) are accommodation located near a health facility where women can stay towards the end of pregnancy and/or after birth to enable timely access to essential childbirth or care for complication. In rural Liberia, the trip for pregnant women to visit the nearest hospital/clinic often entails a journey of many miles, usually on foot.

Therefore, MWHs are developed in buildings adjacent to a district hospital/clinic to accommodate high-risk women. MWH in Forequelleh, Bong county is one of the many Waiting homes confronted with challenges for pregnant women in Liberia.

The Liberia Demography and Health Survey 2019-2020 ((LISGIS), 2019-2020) result shows that  over 5 years prior to the survey, infant, child, and under-5 mortality rates were 63, 33, and 93 deaths per 1,000 live births, respectively. Currently, Child mortality has declined since 2013.

However, under-5 mortality has remained relatively stagnant, and infant mortality has increased. Given this, the establishment of MWH is expected to decrease infant and maternal mortality. But on the contrary, it has increase instead. What exactly is hindering its decline?

Discussion

MWHs in Liberia are constructed as part of the many efforts made to strengthen healthcare system and accommodate women who travel long distances to seek maternity care.

The hope is that these facilities will help supplement the fight against maternal mortality and reduce pregnancy-related death and other complications. With the hope of discouraging home-deliveries, maternal waiting homes are an essential piece of the effort towards accessible health care.

However, for towns and communities without a health facility, pregnant women still either choose to deliver at homes, which many times come with huge risks; or walk many kilometers to reach the lone maternal waiting home available. For those who muster the courage to go over to waiting homes, challenges abound, particularly including lack of food, safe drinking water, flush toilet and even bed. 

The lack of basic social and dietary needs is significantly affecting, if not defeating the purpose because many pregnant women would rather stay at home where they have family members to cater for them which is risky than withstanding dreadful situation at the center.

The Center for Transparency and Accountability in Liberia (CENTAL) under the National Integrity Building and Anti-Corruption program (NIBA) implemented at its institution with Funding from the Government and People of Sweden through the Swedish Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA), conducts monitoring visitation in seven (7) counties in Liberia namely-Montserrado, Bomi, Grand Bassa, Rivercess, Nimba, Bong and Gbarpolu counties every year of its project implementation  to compliment government effort through monitoring the evaluating projects sponsored with the County Social Development Fund (CSDF), and also, the  direct impact of those projects  on citizens. Amongst the many projects monitored, the MWH in Forequelleh, Bong county could not be ignored but flagged-out as one of the many MWHs that faces challenge. 

Pregnant women seen in the above picture are sitting on a flat mattress on the floor. Inside this room, they also have their firewood, cooking utensils etc. In 2018/2019, US$ 25.000.00 was allotted from the County Social Development Fund (CSDF) to build this maternity home in Forequlleh, Panta, according to the Project Management Committee report.

At the end of 2021, this project was completed, dedicated and now in use.  Garmai and Hannah are among several other pregnant women met at the facility waiting to bring forth their babies. They told the team about the many challenges they are face with at the center.

They regrettably said, they would have preferred to stay closer to their relatives than to starve.  These women confided that they barely get food to eat daily. More to that, even if they mobilize and get a cup of rice, it is barely enough, so they literally go hungry for days or eat boiled rice without any sauce sometimes.

Throughout their stay at the facility, they provide everything including bed, sheets etc.  Even after delivery, both mother and child are compelled to contend with the harsh reality thus causing malnutrition for a child as the mother has less nutrient in her breastmilk for the child.  

(UNICEF, 2020) stated that most babies in Liberia receive plain water, other liquids, and food in addition to breastmilk during their first six months of life, contributing to child malnutrition, illness, and even death. Also, Liberia ranks the 8^th globally, 3^rd in Africa for maternal and newborn mortality which means, since 2000, the maternity death rate continued to increase. Amid these, the House of Legislature passed a bill to protect babies’ health by mandating mothers to breastfeed their babies at least six months. While this seems a good step, can we consider what goes into the mother breast to produce nutrition for the child? Is it mother’s milk or the lack of quality care, nutritious food and safe enabling environment that is the problem? The need to upgrade MWHs in rural Liberia is essential to combating Maternity Mortality rate.

Conclusion and Recommendation

As ending maternal mortality is a Millennium Development Goal, and supported by the WHO, UN, as well as many large non-governmental organizations, innovative solutions must be supported. Funding should be provided to equip these facilitates.  

The government should ensure financing and effective management system to alleviate the financial burden from individuals at the MWHs. The government should also, strengthen management support systems, including procurement, and logistics for MWHs in all part of Liberia.  These are very important if these projects must remain relevant in attracting and housing those at the verge of delivery, as well as promoting safe delivery practices.

‘Women, O Women!’ It's the rallying cry of Liberia’s women movement. The cry summons a spirit that emboldens against the timidity that has held many women from venturing on new frontiers. It is a call that awakens women who have grown content with mediocrity and charges them to ‘do something’. It reminds of the inherent qualities that women possess and can employ to be even better. In a proper sense, however, it is a call to battle—a battle against all forms of suppression fostered by a male-dominated society. The struggle aims for a society where women have the opportunity to become productive professionals and not just consigned to the care economy; where customs do not subtract from the bodily integrity of women, and where having a female President is not just an isolated accomplishment. As we celebrate International Women’s Day today, it is important to reflect on the conditions of Liberian women and their pursuit of a more equitable society where governance without meaningful representation and participation of women is only a thing of the past.

In the shadows

Women have not always occupied prominent roles in Liberian society, and their voices have not always been publicly heard.  In order to appreciate the early experiences of Liberian women, however, an assumption of homogeneity must not be made. While findings may vary due to ethnic, religious, and other considerations, a broader examination of women in the Liberian state must consider two groups that generally constituted the state: Americo-Liberians and Natives. Scholars are in agreement that a key commonality between the groups lie in the fact that women were not equal with men. Also, women were the dominant force in domestic work and child-rearing. However, Americo-Liberian women enjoyed some of the most progressive rights enjoyed by women across the world at the time. According to Newman, they could buy and sell land, enter into contracts, bring legal suits and initiate divorces, appeal to the Legislature, and exercise other forms of agency. [1]

In contrast, women in the customary or native setting were lacking in autonomy. According to Fuest, women were married off very young to older men, children belonged to the lineage of the husband, and a woman could lose access to her children and marital property upon the death or divorce of her husband, especially where she refuses to re-marry within the husband’s family. [2] Fuest also relates the unfortunate fact that women were accumulated by powerful men who then redistributed women’s sexual and reproductive services to foster political alliances and win other clients. Also, women did not engage in extensive market activities. But women also yielded other forms of power. The Sande female secret society accumulated resources and wielded considerate power over initiates and members, with the same being recognized by their male counterparts. In the southeast, a council of female elders could deliberate and veto decisions made by men through collective demonstrations, while individual women became political leaders in the Northwest.[3] Most notable is Madam Suakoko who was appointed by President Daniel E. Howard (1912-1920) as Clan Chief of Kiayea.[4] She is credited with unifying the clan; playing a key role in annexing Bong, Lofa, and Nimba, to Liberia; aiding government’s military operations; and contributing to the establishment of three major institutions in the district now named after her: Central Agricultural Research Institute (CARI), Phebe Hospital, and Cuttington University. [5]

Generally, the situation of women in Liberia did not receive major attention until the second half of the twentieth century.

The turning point

Liberian women began to rally against marginalization by the 1930s. The first cooperate move towards their political rights began in 1931 with the Liberian Women’s League under the leadership of Sarah Simpson George. [6] Their engagement began by assisting the government in improving the sanitary conditions of Monrovia. In 1932, another group under the leadership of Maude A. Morris took a more direct approach by petitioning the Legislature to request an amendment of the Constitution to extend suffrage to women. [7] In 1942, President Edwin J. Barclay’s administration passed a “Referendum Act” to amend the Constitution granting women’s right to vote but the amendment did not happen as it was never referred to constituents. [8] In 1946, however, the right to vote and hold political office was finally extended to women under President William V.S. Tubman. [9] This meant that Americo-Liberian women were no more confined to secretarial duties or teaching in schools. [10] Women then began to occupy key offices in government and were elected to the national legislature. For example, Elizabeth Collins became the first female senator, Ellen Mills Scarborough became the first female representative, Etta Wright acted on several occasions as Secretary of Defense, and Angie Brooks rose from a Liberian diplomat to the prestigious position of President of the United Nations General Assembly in 1969. [11] In 1971, Emma Shannon Walser became the first woman to become a judge in Liberia, [12]  and Dr. Mary Antoinette Brown Sherman made history when she was the first woman to be inaugurated as President of the University of Liberia and President of an African institution of higher learning in 1978. [13] At the beginning of the 1980s, women constituted 32.2 percent of the secondary school teachers, 30 percent of the university teachers, 14.7 percent of the judges, 9.4 percent of the doctors and dentists, and 48.2 percent of the nurses. [14]

War Years

The outbreak of the civil war in 1989 greatly affected the vulnerable, including women and children. There are many horrific accounts of rape, torture, and murder meted out against women. Hardship was also endured as a result of conflict-induced displacement. But it is important to note, however, that women were also actors in the conflict. Women units existed amongst all the armed factions, although estimates of the number of women fighters range from 2 to 5% of the total. [15] Some even gained notoriety as fierce warriors. But the war years seem to have made women, even more, stronger as it increased the scope of their economic activities as well as their political involvement.  Women had to step up as many men (husbands, fathers, sons, brothers) were killed or had to flee to hide in the forest. Women were forced to take on traditional tasks of men such as making bricks, building and roofing houses, and clearing farms, while local narratives refer to many women who physically protected their husbands and family members from combatants. [16] Market women made extended businesses by crossing fighting lines into territories where men could not go. Indeed, many analysts agree that since the war, women’s ability to live independently has increased dramatically and many have assumed key roles in society a ‘remarkable emancipation from their pre-war positions’. [17] In a remarkable move towards mainstreaming gender issues across Liberian society, the Ministry of Gender and Development was established in 2001.

Many women’s organizations have emerged since the war era. In fact, women’s organizations were instrumental in ending the 14-year conflict. Thousands of women in white under the umbrella of the Women in Peace Building Network (WIPNET) took to the streets to demand an end to the violence. Women also insisted on being part of peace talks to which only the (male) leaders of the armed factions were invited. [18] This ultimately yielded results. As Chinkin notes, the Comprehensive Peace Accord of 2003 contains gender-relevant provisions: women inclusion in the Governance Reform Commission, women organizations representation in the National Transitional Legislative Assembly, gender balance in all elective and non-elective appointments’ within the National Transitional Government of Liberia, amongst others. [19] Leymah Gbowee and many others came to prominence during this period as they mobilized and organized women across ethnic and religious dividing lines to bring an end to the conflict. Gbowee became a joint recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize in 2011 along with fellow country-woman Ellen Johnson Sirleaf and Tawakkul Karman of Yemen. [20]

Post-war developments

A major win was soon made on the legal front, with the enactment of an Inheritance Law in 2003 to protect the marriage rights of women. By 2006, history was made with the inauguration of Africa’s first elected female head of state, Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf. Notably, Madam Ruth Sando Fahnbulleh Perry had served before her as the interim Chairman of the Council of State of Liberia from 3 September 1996 until 2 August 1997. By 2008, women’s representation in the legislature was low at 15%. With Ellen in power, the glass ceiling had been broken and the obvious anticipation was centered around how different she would run the government, including how women would be involved. By 2008 also, women occupied 22% of cabinet positions in the Sirleaf government. She also appointed the first female Chief of Police. An anti-rape law was passed and a fast-track court established to deal with gender-based violence. Hundreds of markets were built or renovated during her regime for thousands of marketers. But Sirleaf’s support for women in politics soon came under question. By 2017, only 4 out of 21 cabinet ministers were female. Pailey and Reeves are of the view that she did nothing to position women favorably for political office citing her refusal to honor a petition from women to support a woman as her party’s candidate for a 2009 by-election. [21] They further contend that Sirleaf did little to increase females in leadership roles within her Party (the Unity Party). According to Pailey and Williams, Sirleaf did not actively support a proposed law granting 30 percent of political party leadership to women as well as a trust fund to finance electoral campaigns. They lament Sirleaf’s silence when another bill allotting five seats for women in the Legislature was rejected by largely male Senators given that a similar bill had already propelled women to high public offices in Rwanda, Senegal, and South Africa. Sirleaf was later expelled from her  party days before leaving office. [22] She was reinstated by the National Elections Commission the following year.[23]

Another major criticism of Sirleaf was her defense of nepotism and seeming unwillingness to tackle corruption. Admittedly, Liberia reached its highest score of 41 on the Corruption Perceptions Index of Transparency International in 2012 largely due to anti-corruption legislation and institutions established during her administration. However, the political will to investigate and prosecute persons of corruption was lacking. Fellow Nobel Laureate, Leymah Gbowee resigned from the Peace and Reconciliation Commission criticizing Sirleaf’s decision to appoint her three sons to senior government positions.

The checkered legacy of Sirleaf arguably stands in the way of future female contenders for the highest office. However, the legacies of male Presidents have not been any better. So while Sirleaf might have disappointed in different respects, opportunities still exist for women in politics, as well as for generally increasing the role of women in the life of the nation. President George M. Weah seemed to have jumped at this opportunity when he declared himself feminist-in-chief upon taking office. But only a few years later, his party (Coalition for Democratic Change) submitted its candidates for the Senatorial Elections without a single female candidate. [24] Currently, only 5 out of his 19 cabinet ministers are females. [25]

All hope is not lost, however. We remain hopeful that the women of Liberia stay true to their commitment to achieving a just and equitable society for all. We celebrate the many women, known and unknown, who sacrificed for a better Liberia. Some got a glimpse of it during their lifetime and others did not. To those who currently bear this task, the nation looks up to you. A better Liberia is possible. Women, O Women!

About the Authors

Gerald Dan Yeakula is a Liberian lawyer currently based at the Center for Human Rights, University of Pretoria in South Africa where he is pursuing a Master’s of Law Degree in Human Rights and Democratization in Africa. He is Program Manager at the Center for Transparency and Accountability in Liberia (CENTAL).

Akiah Precious Glay holds a Doctorate in Sociology with Emphasis in Conflict Escalation from the Selçuk University, Konya, Turkey, Master’s in Peace and Conflict Studies: Nicolaus Copernicus University Torun, Poland and the Kofi Annan Institute for Peace Studies, University of Liberia. She currently serves as the Gender Officer at CENTAL

Leelah P. Semore holds a Masters in Environmental Science from the Cuttington University and a Bachelor in Plant and Soil Science from the same university. She is currently a Program Assistant at CENTAL.

[1] D Newman, ‘The Emergence of Liberian Women in the Nineteenth Century’ Howard University, Washington, DC, 1984, pp. 197–8, 378–9.

[2] V Fuest ‘“This is the Time to Get in Front”: Changing Roles and Opportunities for Women in Liberia’ (2008) 107 African Affairs 201.

[3] As above

[4][4] ‘Madame Suakoko’ (Historical Preservation Society of Liberia) <https://www.hpsol-liberia.net/madame-suakoko/> accessed 7 March 2022.

[5] As above

[6] ‘The Federation journal. ([North Carolina]) 1945-19??, March 01, 1953, Image 1 · North Carolina Newspapers’ <https://newspapers.digitalnc.org/lccn/2016236536/1953-03-01/ed-1/seq-1/ocr/> accessed 7 March 2022.

[7] As above

[8] As above

[9] AE Brooks ‘Political Participation of Women in Africa South of the Sahara’ (1968) 375 The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 82.

[10] (n 2) Above

[11] C Brooks ‘Liberia Celebrates William V. S. Tubman’s 122nd Birth Anniversary Tomorrow, November 29th’ (Global News Network) <https://gnnliberia.com/2017/11/28/liberia-celebrates-william-v-s-tubmans-122nd-birth-anniversary-tomorrow-november-29th/> accessed 7 March 2022.

[12] ‘Liberia: Liberian Women Unite to Push for More Seats in the Legislature’ (FrontPageAfrica) <https://frontpageafricaonline.com/politics/liberia-liberian-women-unite-to-push-for-more-seats-in-the-legislature/> accessed 7 March 2022.

[13] ‘Pres. Sirleaf Inducts Dr. Ophelia Weeks As 14th President of University of Liberia’ (FrontPageAfrica) <https://frontpageafricaonline.com/news/2016news/pres-sirleaf-inducts-dr-ophelia-weeks-as-14th-president-of-university-of-liberia/> accessed 8 March 2022.

[14] (n 2) Above

[15] M Moran ‘Our Mothers Have Spoken: Synthesizing Old and New Forms of Women’s Political Authority in Liberia’ (2012) 13 17.

[16] (n 2) Above

[17] As above

[18] (n 15) above

[19] Chinkin, ‘Gender, international legal framework and peacebuilding’.

[20] ‘The Nobel Peace Prize 2011’ (NobelPrize.org) <https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/peace/2011/press-release/> accessed 8 March 2022.

[21] RN Pailey and KR Williams ‘Africa at LSE: Is Liberia’s Sirleaf really standing up for women? #LiberiaDecides’ 3.

[22] ‘Ellen Johnson Sirleaf: The legacy of Africa’s first elected female president’ BBC News (22 January 2018) <https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-42748769> accessed 8 March 2022.

[23]Admin ‘Former President Sirleaf, others back to Unity Party’ (Liberia Public Radio, 23 June 2019) <https://liberiapublicradio.com/2019/06/03/former-president-sirleaf-others-back-in-unity-party/> accessed 8 March 2022.

[24] ‘Liberia’s self-proclaimed “feminist president” Weah fails to nominate woman candidate’ (RFI, 12 August 2020) <https://www.rfi.fr/en/africa/20200812-liberia-s-self-proclaimed-feminist-president-weah-fails-to-nominate-woman-candidate-politics-africa> accessed 8 March 2022.

[25] C Brooks ‘LIBERIA: Women NGO Critiques President Weah’s SONA’ (GNN Liberia) <https://gnnliberia.com/2022/02/05/liberia-women-ngo-critiques-president-weahs-sona/> accessed 8 March 2022.