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Pregnant Women abandoned at Maternity Waiting Home in Bong County

By: Dr. Akiah P. Glay

Gender Officer/ Coordinator, Open Expenditure Initiative

Center for Transparency and Accountability in Liberia (CENTAL)

Over eight (8) pregnant women at the Maternity Waiting Home (MWH) in Forequelleh Town, Bong County are said to be faced with the issue of abandonment and lack of support. Like many MWHs across Liberia, the facility was constructed to accommodate pregnant women during pregnancy and baby mothers after birth to enable them have timely access to essential childbirth treatments and care.

But, pregnant women at the Forequelleh Town Safe Home have been left without the needed support and care as intended. Some have described the Home as a ‘death trap’ rather than a Safe Home.     

“It is only because our homes are far away from the hospital that’s why we are here. Otherwise, we would prefer to stay home until our due dates …”

image001


      _____Women who stay at the Forequelleh MWH

Inside the MWH in Forequelleh

Garmai and Hannah were met cooking outside on a wood fire at the front of the Maternity Waiting Home (MWH) in Forequelleh town, district# 4, Bong County. They are in their ninth month of pregnancy and have been at the facilitate for nearly two weeks.

Aside from the physical structure provided by the government, the rest including bed, food and other social and dietary needs are provided by their family. They also have to go and fetch water, wood and basic items to prepare the food brought by their relatives.  If MWH is intended to be a safe home to reduce maternal mortality rate, with these conditions, it seems a death trap for women and their unborn due to the many challenges.

 

Background

Maternity Waiting Homes (MWHs) are accommodation located near a health facility where women can stay towards the end of pregnancy and/or after birth to enable timely access to essential childbirth or care for complication. In rural Liberia, the trip for pregnant women to visit the nearest hospital/clinic often entails a journey of many miles, usually on foot.

Therefore, MWHs are developed in buildings adjacent to a district hospital/clinic to accommodate high-risk women. MWH in Forequelleh, Bong county is one of the many Waiting homes confronted with challenges for pregnant women in Liberia.

The Liberia Demography and Health Survey 2019-2020 ((LISGIS), 2019-2020) result shows that  over 5 years prior to the survey, infant, child, and under-5 mortality rates were 63, 33, and 93 deaths per 1,000 live births, respectively. Currently, Child mortality has declined since 2013.

However, under-5 mortality has remained relatively stagnant, and infant mortality has increased. Given this, the establishment of MWH is expected to decrease infant and maternal mortality. But on the contrary, it has increase instead. What exactly is hindering its decline?

 

Discussion

MWHs in Liberia are constructed as part of the many efforts made to strengthen healthcare system and accommodate women who travel long distances to seek maternity care.

The hope is that these facilities will help supplement the fight against maternal mortality and reduce pregnancy-related death and other complications. With the hope of discouraging home-deliveries, maternal waiting homes are an essential piece of the effort towards accessible health care.

However, for towns and communities without a health facility, pregnant women still either choose to deliver at homes, which many times come with huge risks; or walk many kilometers to reach the lone maternal waiting home available. For those who muster the courage to go over to waiting homes, challenges abound, particularly including lack of food, safe drinking water, flush toilet and even bed. 

The lack of basic social and dietary needs is significantly affecting, if not defeating the purpose because many pregnant women would rather stay at home where they have family members to cater for them which is risky than withstanding dreadful situation at the center.

The Center for Transparency and Accountability in Liberia (CENTAL) under the National Integrity Building and Anti-Corruption program (NIBA) implemented at its institution with Funding from the Government and People of Sweden through the Swedish Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA), conducts monitoring visitation in seven (7) counties in Liberia namely-Montserrado, Bomi, Grand Bassa, Rivercess, Nimba, Bong and Gbarpolu counties every year of its project implementation  to compliment government effort through monitoring the evaluating projects sponsored with the County Social Development Fund (CSDF), and also, the  direct impact of those projects  on citizens. Amongst the many projects monitored, the MWH in Forequelleh, Bong county could not be ignored but flagged-out as one of the many MWHs that faces challenge. 

image002Pregnant women seen in the above picture are sitting on a flat mattress on the floor. Inside this room, they also have their firewood, cooking utensils etc. In 2018/2019, US$ 25.000.00 was allotted from the County Social Development Fund (CSDF) to build this maternity home in Forequlleh, Panta, according to the Project Management Committee report.

At the end of 2021, this project was completed, dedicated and now in use.  Garmai and Hannah are among several other pregnant women met at the facility waiting to bring forth their babies. They told the team about the many challenges they are face with at the center.

They regrettably said, they would have preferred to stay closer to their relatives than to starve.  These women confided that they barely get food to eat daily. More to that, even if they mobilize and get a cup of rice, it is barely enough, so they literally go hungry for days or eat boiled rice without any sauce sometimes.

Throughout their stay at the facility, they provide everything including bed, sheets etc.  Even after delivery, both mother and child are compelled to contend with the harsh reality thus causing malnutrition for a child as the mother has less nutrient in her breastmilk for the child.  

(UNICEF, 2020) stated that most babies in Liberia receive plain water, other liquids, and food in addition to breastmilk during their first six months of life, contributing to child malnutrition, illness, and even death. Also, Liberia ranks the 8th globally, 3rd in Africa for maternal and newborn mortality which means, since 2000, the maternity death rate continued to increase. Amid these, the House of Legislature passed a bill to protect babies’ health by mandating mothers to breastfeed their babies at least six months. While this seems a good step, can we consider what goes into the mother breast to produce nutrition for the child? Is it mother’s milk or the lack of quality care, nutritious food and safe enabling environment that is the problem? The need to upgrade MWHs in rural Liberia is essential to combating Maternity Mortality rate.

Conclusion and Recommendation

As ending maternal mortality is a Millennium Development Goal, and supported by the WHO, UN, as well as many large non-governmental organizations, innovative solutions must be supported. Funding should be provided to equip these facilitates.  

The government should ensure financing and effective management system to alleviate the financial burden from individuals at the MWHs. The government should also, strengthen management support systems, including procurement, and logistics for MWHs in all part of Liberia.  These are very important if these projects must remain relevant in attracting and housing those at the verge of delivery, as well as promoting safe delivery practices.

Wednesday, 13 April 2022 17:19

PRESS STATEMENT FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

Monrovia, Wednesday, April 13, 2022

‘Stand on the side of the Liberian People’: CENTAL tells Pres. Weah amid Allegations of Corruption at LISGIS

Distinguished ladies and gentlemen, members of the Press, fellow Liberians, and development partners. Over the last few days, with disappointment, we have again observed accusations and counter-accusations of significant Corruption among some public officials at the country’s statistical house, the Liberia Institute for Statistics and Geo-Information Services (LISGIS). These grave allegations do not only point to abuse of taxpayers’ money, but also flagrant disregard of internal control procedures, as well as side-stepping of procurement and public financial management laws and guidelines. They portend an avoidable collapse of our democratic order through violations of constitutional provisions on holding of national census and general and presidential elections, which are germane to our democracy. On the other hand, they further justify funding modalities by donors and partners, which seek to limit and prevent government’s direct access to and management of development aids/project funds.

It can be recalled that on March 30, 2022, Frongtpage Africa reported alleged financial mal-practices at LISGIS. Under the headline Corruption Gallore at LISGIS’, the paper revealed that out of 1.8 million United States Dollars received by LISGIS from the government of Liberia as share of budget to conduct the delayed national housing and population census , only US$ 700,000 has been transferred by LISGIS to the Census account, which is being managed by the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA). Also, appearing on the April 9 & 10, 2022 editions of the Spoon Talk on Spoon 107.5 FM, the Census Coordinator and Deputy Director-General for Statistics and Data Processing at LISGIS, Mr. Alex G. Williams confirmed the allegations and further implicated the management of LISGIS in the scandal characterized by irregular payments that are at odds with Liberian Laws. Mr. Williams further disclosed that the corruption is the main reason why Liberia has not substantially fulfilled its undertaking to contribute to the census cost, and that census cannot be held until such contribution is made.

Ladies and Gentlemen of the Press and fellow Liberians, the Center for Transparency and Accountability in Liberia notes with utter dismay that these alleged unorthodox dealings do not only signal corruption, but undermine partners and citizens’ confidence in the governance process, undermine Liberia’s democracy, and indicate flagrant disregard for public financial management and procurement laws by public officials. For instance, LISGIS Director-General, Prof. Francis Wreh had retracted an initial statement that US$1 million was transferred to the Census account, noting that only US$700,000 was transferred thereto, while the $300,000 was retained by LISGIS for “census operation”. We cannot help but wonder why monies intended for the census account maintained by UNFPA were retained by LISGIS and subsequently misapplied by LISGIS officials to the detriment of the country, as the allegations now depict. Leaked documents containing bank transactions and checks, if valid, are sufficient to give weight to the allegations as well as to warrant stern administrative sanctions by the President. Also, report that LISGIS officials are not fully cooperating with the LACC investigation is disturbing and demonstrate no regard for the rule of law and anti-corruption mechanisms, especially by the accused individuals.

Therefore, we call on President George Weah to stand on the side of the Constitution and the Liberian People by demonstrating zero tolerance for corruption and bad governance in his administration, especially in this instant case. We call on the President to suspend the officials at the center of these reported corrupt practices, pending outcomes of the ongoing investigation by the LACC into the matter. Furthermore, President Weah must ensure to protect Mr. G. Alex Williams who, from many indications, appears to be the Whistleblower in this matter. If the battle against corruption must be won, persons who divulge such information are deserving of protection by the state, especially so when legal instruments to guarantee their full protection have already been proposed by the Executive.

These are the very least actions CENTAL, many Liberians, and even development partners expect from the Government and the Presidency, given the very concerning nature of these allegations.  The President must not turn a blind eye to these happenings in an attempt to protect his officials and to create the impression that the government is corruption-free.  To the contrary, such would only portray lack of courage and will on the part of the President to genuinely fight against corruption. Also, the country cannot afford another postponement of census and persons seeking to undermine it and related democratic processes must be held fully accountable. We reiterate further that these and previous allegations and confirmed incidences of Corruption continue to discredit the country’s ability to effectively and efficiently manage major activities and processes, thereby increasingly constraining international partners to seek better ways to help the Liberian people.

Liberia can only be taken seriously if anti-corruption measures are scrupulously enforced and the fight against corruption given top priority, as a crucial pillar of government’s development agenda. With the latest United States Government’s Human Rights Report pointing to impunity for corruption in government and weak enforcement of anti-corruption laws and policies, the need for timely and concrete actions from the Liberian Government against Corruption cannot be overemphasized. Therefore, we entreat all public officials to denounce corruption and act with integrity. More importantly, we urge President Weah to show genuine political will and commitment in the fight against corruption, as the public is yet to see much from the Presidency in this regard. As mere utterances do not constitute show of commitment, Liberians look forward to seeing timely, decisive, and impartial actions (suspension, dismissal, etc.) from the President against public official at the center of grave corruption allegations, including the current saga at LISIGIS. Also, we reiterate call for increased financial, moral, logistical, and technical support to the Liberia Anti-Corruption Commission and other public integrity institutions to independently, effectively, and efficiently deliver on their mandates in making corruption and bad governance issues of the past in Liberia.

Thank you.

Signed:

Management

CENTAL Trains Over 40 University Students …To Increase Capacity in Anti-Corruption and Awareness-Raising

Young people are the most important agents of change in the Fight against Corruption. Often overlooked, they offer a chance to reshape norms. In Liberia, where over half of the population are youth, the Center for Transparency and Accountability in Liberia (CENTAL) is creating a substantial opportunity for youth to reshape corrupt culture into a culture of integrity and transparency.

On April 1, 2022, CENTAL, through its youth engagement and Integrity Club (IClub) Program, concluded a one-day intensive training for over forty (40) university students at the Corina conference hall in Sinkor Monrovia. The training aims to facilitate networking, interaction, and engagement amongst IClub members (youths and students) through learning and sharing of relevant information and building relationships that can be leveraged to enhance anti-corruption and integrity-building efforts in  Universities, High Schools, Communities, and the country at large. Every year, since the implementation of the National Integrity Building and Anti-corruption program (NIBA) at CENTAL, the Integrity Club, one of the many activities under the auspice of the program, recruit, train, and empowered students to engage in active activities in universities and high schools. This time, the previously trained integrity members were relinquishing power to the new batch of students from the University of Liberia (UL), United Methodist University (UMU), African Methodist Episcopal University (AMEU), and the Stella Maris Polytechnic University (SMPU) to continue the path of conducting outreaches in schools and universities as done previously.  The outreach activities will start at the University level and then to high schools and communities.

Presenting at the training, CENTAL’s Executive Director Mr. Anderson D. Miamen, succinctly explained the mission and vision of CENTAL. He urged students to believe that corruption can be minimized to an appreciable level only and only if the mindset about corruption is changed. In his speech, He called for collective efforts to fight against corruption and exclaimed that the young people are very crucial to this fight; therefore, their contributions matter the most. He urged members to be attentive and take seriously their role in the ICLUB as the CLUB presents an opportunity for young people to get actively involved in the fight against corruption and contribute to positive change. Further, he explained the opportunity to promote a person’s career could be through active engagement in the IClub activities. To support his statement, he pointed out a few IClubbers who are currently contributing to the activities of CENTAL. Since the establishment of the IClub at the University of Liberia in 2017, these students have been committed to the cause and currently, they are serving the institution.

Also serving as a facilitator, Mr. Alex Divine, CEO/ Youth for Change, Inc., admonished students to stand up and face the reality that corruption is an enemy of development. He assured them about the adverse impacts of corruption. He stated, “Corruption is a lifestyle. The menace has taken hold of generations, and the only way we can curb this is by raising the standards high to uphold our integrity.” He added and urged students with disabilities to get involved in the process as well as they are always part of the society. “Corruption does not respect anyone regardless of who you are. It affects everyone irrespective of your condition.” He faintly added.

To conclude, Youth for Change Inc.’s CEO lamented the poor support given to the fight by those in authority. He, however, encouraged the youth not to be deterred but rather stand for the country and not for themselves.  

CENTAL’s ALAC Legal Officer, Atty. Bendu Kpoto reiterated the points made by Mr. Divine on inclusion. She elaborated on the importance of inclusion and uttered that. “Irrespective of a person’s gender, ability, or disability, literate or illiterate, we all have a part to play in strengthening the fight against corruption.”  She encouraged the full participation of women and girls. According to her, women and girls are less in the fight. They feel that men are the most corrupt in society, so the fight is not pressuring them. On the contrary, their refusal to actively join the fight will have a long-term impact on them.  

Atty. Kpoto concluded that Women are mostly victims of corruption. What supports the claim that corruption causes more suffering for women than men, especially at the university level? By distinguishing between indirect victimization and direct victimization, it is reasonable to assume women suffered more, and differently than men. Nevertheless, a general reduction of gender inequalities can address the root causes of the gendered impacts of corruption and call on all the youths especially the women and girls to do better in the fight against corruption. Without partiality and in an overtone, she promised to render support in her capacity to all students, especially to school-going girls and persons with disability at the University levels.

At the heart of the training, students presented on relevant topics –Corruption and Integrity. A team of 10 persons; four (4) groups presented and gave recommendations. Few among those recommendations were the usage of smart technology to reduce corruption; the incorporation of integrity courses in schools; increasing awareness efforts nationwide; and enforcing punitive measures against corrupt individuals.

The training workshop ended with an introduction to the software. The software is a data collection tool that will enable students to collect data while engaging in outreach activities. Students were excited about the introduction of the data collection software and thanked the institution for being actively involved in the fight against corruption.

Held under the auspices of the National Integrity Building and Anti-Corruption (NIBA) program funded by the Government and the People of Sweden through the Embassy of Sweden near Monrovia with support from the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA), the training workshop now sets the basis for the students to begin raising awareness about corruption and integrity building at their respective universities, high schools, communities and country at large.

‘Women, O Women!’ It's the rallying cry of Liberia’s women movement. The cry summons a spirit that emboldens against the timidity that has held many women from venturing on new frontiers. It is a call that awakens women who have grown content with mediocrity and charges them to ‘do something’. It reminds of the inherent qualities that women possess and can employ to be even better. In a proper sense, however, it is a call to battle—a battle against all forms of suppression fostered by a male-dominated society. The struggle aims for a society where women have the opportunity to become productive professionals and not just consigned to the care economy; where customs do not subtract from the bodily integrity of women, and where having a female President is not just an isolated accomplishment. As we celebrate International Women’s Day today, it is important to reflect on the conditions of Liberian women and their pursuit of a more equitable society where governance without meaningful representation and participation of women is only a thing of the past.

In the shadows

Women have not always occupied prominent roles in Liberian society, and their voices have not always been publicly heard.  In order to appreciate the early experiences of Liberian women, however, an assumption of homogeneity must not be made. While findings may vary due to ethnic, religious, and other considerations, a broader examination of women in the Liberian state must consider two groups that generally constituted the state: Americo-Liberians and Natives. Scholars are in agreement that a key commonality between the groups lie in the fact that women were not equal with men. Also, women were the dominant force in domestic work and child-rearing. However, Americo-Liberian women enjoyed some of the most progressive rights enjoyed by women across the world at the time. According to Newman, they could buy and sell land, enter into contracts, bring legal suits and initiate divorces, appeal to the Legislature, and exercise other forms of agency. [1]

In contrast, women in the customary or native setting were lacking in autonomy. According to Fuest, women were married off very young to older men, children belonged to the lineage of the husband, and a woman could lose access to her children and marital property upon the death or divorce of her husband, especially where she refuses to re-marry within the husband’s family. [2] Fuest also relates the unfortunate fact that women were accumulated by powerful men who then redistributed women’s sexual and reproductive services to foster political alliances and win other clients. Also, women did not engage in extensive market activities. But women also yielded other forms of power. The Sande female secret society accumulated resources and wielded considerate power over initiates and members, with the same being recognized by their male counterparts. In the southeast, a council of female elders could deliberate and veto decisions made by men through collective demonstrations, while individual women became political leaders in the Northwest.[3] Most notable is Madam Suakoko who was appointed by President Daniel E. Howard (1912-1920) as Clan Chief of Kiayea.[4] She is credited with unifying the clan; playing a key role in annexing Bong, Lofa, and Nimba, to Liberia; aiding government’s military operations; and contributing to the establishment of three major institutions in the district now named after her: Central Agricultural Research Institute (CARI), Phebe Hospital, and Cuttington University. [5]

Generally, the situation of women in Liberia did not receive major attention until the second half of the twentieth century.

The turning point

Liberian women began to rally against marginalization by the 1930s. The first cooperate move towards their political rights began in 1931 with the Liberian Women’s League under the leadership of Sarah Simpson George. [6] Their engagement began by assisting the government in improving the sanitary conditions of Monrovia. In 1932, another group under the leadership of Maude A. Morris took a more direct approach by petitioning the Legislature to request an amendment of the Constitution to extend suffrage to women. [7] In 1942, President Edwin J. Barclay’s administration passed a “Referendum Act” to amend the Constitution granting women’s right to vote but the amendment did not happen as it was never referred to constituents. [8] In 1946, however, the right to vote and hold political office was finally extended to women under President William V.S. Tubman. [9] This meant that Americo-Liberian women were no more confined to secretarial duties or teaching in schools. [10] Women then began to occupy key offices in government and were elected to the national legislature. For example, Elizabeth Collins became the first female senator, Ellen Mills Scarborough became the first female representative, Etta Wright acted on several occasions as Secretary of Defense, and Angie Brooks rose from a Liberian diplomat to the prestigious position of President of the United Nations General Assembly in 1969. [11] In 1971, Emma Shannon Walser became the first woman to become a judge in Liberia, [12]  and Dr. Mary Antoinette Brown Sherman made history when she was the first woman to be inaugurated as President of the University of Liberia and President of an African institution of higher learning in 1978. [13] At the beginning of the 1980s, women constituted 32.2 percent of the secondary school teachers, 30 percent of the university teachers, 14.7 percent of the judges, 9.4 percent of the doctors and dentists, and 48.2 percent of the nurses. [14]

War Years

The outbreak of the civil war in 1989 greatly affected the vulnerable, including women and children. There are many horrific accounts of rape, torture, and murder meted out against women. Hardship was also endured as a result of conflict-induced displacement. But it is important to note, however, that women were also actors in the conflict. Women units existed amongst all the armed factions, although estimates of the number of women fighters range from 2 to 5% of the total. [15] Some even gained notoriety as fierce warriors. But the war years seem to have made women, even more, stronger as it increased the scope of their economic activities as well as their political involvement.  Women had to step up as many men (husbands, fathers, sons, brothers) were killed or had to flee to hide in the forest. Women were forced to take on traditional tasks of men such as making bricks, building and roofing houses, and clearing farms, while local narratives refer to many women who physically protected their husbands and family members from combatants. [16] Market women made extended businesses by crossing fighting lines into territories where men could not go. Indeed, many analysts agree that since the war, women’s ability to live independently has increased dramatically and many have assumed key roles in society a ‘remarkable emancipation from their pre-war positions’. [17] In a remarkable move towards mainstreaming gender issues across Liberian society, the Ministry of Gender and Development was established in 2001.

Many women’s organizations have emerged since the war era. In fact, women’s organizations were instrumental in ending the 14-year conflict. Thousands of women in white under the umbrella of the Women in Peace Building Network (WIPNET) took to the streets to demand an end to the violence. Women also insisted on being part of peace talks to which only the (male) leaders of the armed factions were invited. [18] This ultimately yielded results. As Chinkin notes, the Comprehensive Peace Accord of 2003 contains gender-relevant provisions: women inclusion in the Governance Reform Commission, women organizations representation in the National Transitional Legislative Assembly, gender balance in all elective and non-elective appointments’ within the National Transitional Government of Liberia, amongst others. [19] Leymah Gbowee and many others came to prominence during this period as they mobilized and organized women across ethnic and religious dividing lines to bring an end to the conflict. Gbowee became a joint recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize in 2011 along with fellow country-woman Ellen Johnson Sirleaf and Tawakkul Karman of Yemen. [20]

 

Post-war developments

A major win was soon made on the legal front, with the enactment of an Inheritance Law in 2003 to protect the marriage rights of women. By 2006, history was made with the inauguration of Africa’s first elected female head of state, Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf. Notably, Madam Ruth Sando Fahnbulleh Perry had served before her as the interim Chairman of the Council of State of Liberia from 3 September 1996 until 2 August 1997. By 2008, women’s representation in the legislature was low at 15%. With Ellen in power, the glass ceiling had been broken and the obvious anticipation was centered around how different she would run the government, including how women would be involved. By 2008 also, women occupied 22% of cabinet positions in the Sirleaf government. She also appointed the first female Chief of Police. An anti-rape law was passed and a fast-track court established to deal with gender-based violence. Hundreds of markets were built or renovated during her regime for thousands of marketers. But Sirleaf’s support for women in politics soon came under question. By 2017, only 4 out of 21 cabinet ministers were female. Pailey and Reeves are of the view that she did nothing to position women favorably for political office citing her refusal to honor a petition from women to support a woman as her party’s candidate for a 2009 by-election. [21] They further contend that Sirleaf did little to increase females in leadership roles within her Party (the Unity Party). According to Pailey and Williams, Sirleaf did not actively support a proposed law granting 30 percent of political party leadership to women as well as a trust fund to finance electoral campaigns. They lament Sirleaf’s silence when another bill allotting five seats for women in the Legislature was rejected by largely male Senators given that a similar bill had already propelled women to high public offices in Rwanda, Senegal, and South Africa. Sirleaf was later expelled from her  party days before leaving office. [22] She was reinstated by the National Elections Commission the following year.[23]

Another major criticism of Sirleaf was her defense of nepotism and seeming unwillingness to tackle corruption. Admittedly, Liberia reached its highest score of 41 on the Corruption Perceptions Index of Transparency International in 2012 largely due to anti-corruption legislation and institutions established during her administration. However, the political will to investigate and prosecute persons of corruption was lacking. Fellow Nobel Laureate, Leymah Gbowee resigned from the Peace and Reconciliation Commission criticizing Sirleaf’s decision to appoint her three sons to senior government positions.

The checkered legacy of Sirleaf arguably stands in the way of future female contenders for the highest office. However, the legacies of male Presidents have not been any better. So while Sirleaf might have disappointed in different respects, opportunities still exist for women in politics, as well as for generally increasing the role of women in the life of the nation. President George M. Weah seemed to have jumped at this opportunity when he declared himself feminist-in-chief upon taking office. But only a few years later, his party (Coalition for Democratic Change) submitted its candidates for the Senatorial Elections without a single female candidate. [24] Currently, only 5 out of his 19 cabinet ministers are females. [25]

All hope is not lost, however. We remain hopeful that the women of Liberia stay true to their commitment to achieving a just and equitable society for all. We celebrate the many women, known and unknown, who sacrificed for a better Liberia. Some got a glimpse of it during their lifetime and others did not. To those who currently bear this task, the nation looks up to you. A better Liberia is possible. Women, O Women!

About the Authors

Gerald Dan Yeakula is a Liberian lawyer currently based at the Center for Human Rights, University of Pretoria in South Africa where he is pursuing a Master’s of Law Degree in Human Rights and Democratization in Africa. He is Program Manager at the Center for Transparency and Accountability in Liberia (CENTAL).

Akiah Precious Glay holds a Doctorate in Sociology with Emphasis in Conflict Escalation from the Selçuk University, Konya, Turkey, Master’s in Peace and Conflict Studies: Nicolaus Copernicus University Torun, Poland and the Kofi Annan Institute for Peace Studies, University of Liberia. She currently serves as the Gender Officer at CENTAL

Leelah P. Semore holds a Masters in Environmental Science from the Cuttington University and a Bachelor in Plant and Soil Science from the same university. She is currently a Program Assistant at CENTAL.

 

[1] D Newman, ‘The Emergence of Liberian Women in the Nineteenth Century’ Howard University, Washington, DC, 1984, pp. 197–8, 378–9.

[2] V Fuest ‘“This is the Time to Get in Front”: Changing Roles and Opportunities for Women in Liberia’ (2008) 107 African Affairs 201.

[3] As above

[4][4] ‘Madame Suakoko’ (Historical Preservation Society of Liberia) <https://www.hpsol-liberia.net/madame-suakoko/> accessed 7 March 2022.

[5] As above

[6] ‘The Federation journal. ([North Carolina]) 1945-19??, March 01, 1953, Image 1 · North Carolina Newspapers’ <https://newspapers.digitalnc.org/lccn/2016236536/1953-03-01/ed-1/seq-1/ocr/> accessed 7 March 2022.

[7] As above

[8] As above

[9] AE Brooks ‘Political Participation of Women in Africa South of the Sahara’ (1968) 375 The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 82.

[10] (n 2) Above

[11] C Brooks ‘Liberia Celebrates William V. S. Tubman’s 122nd Birth Anniversary Tomorrow, November 29th’ (Global News Network) <https://gnnliberia.com/2017/11/28/liberia-celebrates-william-v-s-tubmans-122nd-birth-anniversary-tomorrow-november-29th/> accessed 7 March 2022.

[12] ‘Liberia: Liberian Women Unite to Push for More Seats in the Legislature’ (FrontPageAfrica) <https://frontpageafricaonline.com/politics/liberia-liberian-women-unite-to-push-for-more-seats-in-the-legislature/> accessed 7 March 2022.

[13] ‘Pres. Sirleaf Inducts Dr. Ophelia Weeks As 14th President of University of Liberia’ (FrontPageAfrica) <https://frontpageafricaonline.com/news/2016news/pres-sirleaf-inducts-dr-ophelia-weeks-as-14th-president-of-university-of-liberia/> accessed 8 March 2022.

[14] (n 2) Above

[15] M Moran ‘Our Mothers Have Spoken: Synthesizing Old and New Forms of Women’s Political Authority in Liberia’ (2012) 13 17.

[16] (n 2) Above

[17] As above

[18] (n 15) above

[19] Chinkin, ‘Gender, international legal framework and peacebuilding’.

[20] ‘The Nobel Peace Prize 2011’ (NobelPrize.org) <https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/peace/2011/press-release/> accessed 8 March 2022.

[21] RN Pailey and KR Williams ‘Africa at LSE: Is Liberia’s Sirleaf really standing up for women? #LiberiaDecides’ 3.

[22] ‘Ellen Johnson Sirleaf: The legacy of Africa’s first elected female president’ BBC News (22 January 2018) <https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-42748769> accessed 8 March 2022.

[23]Admin ‘Former President Sirleaf, others back to Unity Party’ (Liberia Public Radio, 23 June 2019) <https://liberiapublicradio.com/2019/06/03/former-president-sirleaf-others-back-in-unity-party/> accessed 8 March 2022.

[24] ‘Liberia’s self-proclaimed “feminist president” Weah fails to nominate woman candidate’ (RFI, 12 August 2020) <https://www.rfi.fr/en/africa/20200812-liberia-s-self-proclaimed-feminist-president-weah-fails-to-nominate-woman-candidate-politics-africa> accessed 8 March 2022.

[25] C Brooks ‘LIBERIA: Women NGO Critiques President Weah’s SONA’ (GNN Liberia) <https://gnnliberia.com/2022/02/05/liberia-women-ngo-critiques-president-weahs-sona/> accessed 8 March 2022.

Monday, 07 March 2022 17:10

Joint Press Statement

By Civil Society Organizations on the ECOWAS Parliament Summit in Liberia 

We, Naymote Partners for Democratic Development, Center for Transparency and Accountability in Liberia, Integrity Watch Liberia, Institute for Research and Democratic Development, Accountability Lab Liberia and the National Civil Society Council of Liberia welcome the hosting of the Economic Community of West Africa States (ECOWAS) Fifth Legislative Parliamentary Seminar and First Extraordinary Session of the ECOWAS Parliament for the year 2022 in Liberia.

As leaders of civil society organizations in Liberia, we are deeply concerned that 22 years since the inauguration of the First Legislature of the ECOWAS Parliament, the parliament has made little impact in the lives of ECOWAS citizens due to its failure to hold member states accountable for corrupt and anti-democratic practices. While it was meant to be a platform for dialogue for ECOWAS citizens and foster integration, it has been hijacked by politicians who have neglected the core challenges facing the people of the ECOWAS region.

In Liberia, little is known about the work of the Liberian delegation to the Parliament, and Liberians have no means of holding their delegates accountable for what they do at the regional body. The delegation makes no efforts at engaging with the public on their work at the Parliament — laws and policies adopted and their ramifications for member states and if these laws are domesticated in-country. To date the Liberian delegation over the years have failed to 'inform and sensitize the population on issues of integration'. This is counterproductive to the common interest of the ECOWAS citizens, whose taxes are used to finance and sustain the Parliament through the financial contributions made by the member states.

The increasing wave of political instability and coup d'état in the sub-region, especially in Guinea, Mali and declining trust in democracy due to the failure of governments across the ECOWAS region to meet up to the challenges of unemployment, rising cost of living, insecurity, human rights violations, widespread corruption and poor governance bring into question the role, relevance and impact of the ECOWAS Parliament in advancing democracy and social prosperity in the region.

We believe it is high time the ECOWAS Parliament became proactive and robust in engaging with the economic and political challenges of the region and delivering the much-needed inclusive and sustainable reforms needed to advance democracy, regional integration, and prosperity in the region. This includes, but not limited to genuinely taking practical actions against corruption, rape and other sexual and gender-based offences, supporting member states in eliminating trade barriers, reducing and ending unemployment, human trafficking, insecurity, drugs abuse, money laundering and illicit financial flows, and imposing sanctions against leaders who undermine constitutional democracy and abuse human rights in their countries.   

We demand that the ECOWAS Parliament lays out clear mechanisms that make its processes accessible, responsive, and accountable to the citizens of the 15 member states and ensures that proposed laws and policies benefit from broader consultations with the people of the region, before being adopted and domesticated. Finally, we strongly encourage the body to engage more with civil society and create greater visibility for its work, at regional and national levels.

Citizens Demand Openness in CSDF Expenditures

Monrovia, Tuesday, 22 February 2022 - Openness and accountability in budget and expenditure processes foster trust in government as it ensures citizens’ views and interests are respected and public resources are used for the public good.

Even though laws exist to promote transparency and accountability, as well as to prevent corruption in the expenditure of public resources including the County Social Development Fund (CSDF), the conduct of the custodians of these resources continue to fall short of meeting minimum benchmarks of transparency, accountability and anti-corruption. Citizens continue to decry lack of participation, transparency, and accountability. Even worse is the fact that many are convinced that corruption is the ultimate rationale for their exclusion. Participants of the Center for Transparency and Accountability in Liberia (CENTAL)’s Open Expenditure Forums (OEFs) held recently in Bong, Nimba, Rivercess, and Grand Bassa counties have re-echoed this point. However, there are other shining examples of participation worth noting.

                                                                                   

“Construction works for persons with disabilities (PWDs) require lots of technical things to allow easy access for all persons with disabilities. So, it cannot be done by just anybody (engineer), the person must either be guided or knowledgeable of PWDs,” said Arthur Bondo, representative of the National Union of Organizations with Disabilities (NUOD) and Chairman of the Bong County Disable Community.

Bondo said members of the disable community in Bong County were never part of any discussion leading to, or involved with any process that led to the renovation of their headquarters in the county. According to him, the US$10,000.00 spent by the county to renovate the structure cannot accommodate the current one hundred and thirty-nine (139) persons with disabilities in Gbarnga City alone, but they are disappointingly managing it.

Like in Bong County, the Nimba County disable community was never involved with process leading to the construction of their headquarters in Sanniquellie City. Abestine Tozay, President of the group said they were excluded from the decision-making and the contractor who was hired to do the construction said he wasn’t answerable to them.   Meanwhile, in Rivercess County, people with disabilities equally feel marginalized and excluded from all decision-making and developmental initiatives of the county.

Mr. Samuel Outland, head of the Organization of Persons with Disabilities in the county said people with special needs are surviving under extreme conditions and the county leadership care less about their wellbeing. The situation of persons with disabilities seem dreadfully similar across the counties. Peter Jimmy of the Group of 77 in Grand Bassa County also shared the same story. Mr. Jimmy frowned on the local authorities, especially members of the Project Management Committee (PMC) for the lack of inclusion of persons with disabilities in activities in the County.  

But unlike the Disable Community in Bong, the Bong County Women Organization was involved throughout the implementation of their project. They were constructively engaged with most of the processes leading to the construction of the Bong Women Center. She stated that as a result of their robust monitoring of the construction process, they were able to identify and demand the change of a design that was not submitted by the women.  

Sadly, this is not the case in Nimba.  Women complain they are yet to be included on the County Council Sitting Resolution despite all efforts exerted so far. “County Sittings have been held in Nimba, but we (women of Nimba) have not even served as observers, except on one occasion,” said Madam Yah Belleh Suah, County Coordinator, Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection. 

She stated that until that lone occasion where she was reluctantly considered to serve as observer at the County Sittings, the Ministry nor the women of the County were never part of the process; but, Nimba County Assistant Superintendent for Development said the selection of delegates to the County Sitting is beyond the scope of the County leadership. 

The Project Management Committees (PMCs) are charged with the responsibility of implementing projects.

In Bong County, the PMC received US$1.7 million out of the budgeted US$2.9 million in the 2018/2019 County Council Sitting to implement 30 projects, out of which 12 have so far been completed and dedicated, while in Nimba, of the US$2.8 million budgeted in the 2021 County Council Sitting, US$2.7 million was received to implement forty-six (46) projects in the county out of which twenty (20) have been completed so far.

The essence of the Forum is to promote openness and accountability in the public space through access to information that is very critical to the consolidation of the Country’s democracy. It provides the space for citizens to interact with government officials and voice concerns about the effectiveness and efficiency of resources expended and or projects and activities undertaken by public officials by and through their resources, especially the County Social Development Funds.

The Open Expenditure Forum also sought to provide stakeholders with information on broad and specific national efforts in fighting against Corruption and efforts to promote the culture of accountability and transparency in Liberia.

It’s part of activities under CENTAL’s National Integrity Building and Anti-Corruption (NIBA) Program targeting seven counties – Montserrado, Bong, Nimba, Grand Bassa, Rivercess, Bomi and Gbarpolu. It’s funded by the Government of Sweden through the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA). 

Monrovia, Tuesday, 25 January 2022

As the national chapter of Transparency International in Liberia, the Center for Transparency and Accountability in Liberia (CENTAL) is pleased to release findings of Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index (CPI) 2021. Since 1995, the Corruption Perception Index has been scoring and ranking countries based on how corrupt their public sectors are perceived, according to experts and business executives. The score ranges from 0 to 100, where 0 equals the highest level of perceived public sector corruption and 100 equals lowest level of perceived public sector corruption. 180 Countries were targeted in 2021 as in 2020 and 2019.

The CPI draws upon 13 data sources, which captured the assessment of experts and business executives on a number of corrupt behaviors in the public sector, including bribery, diversion of public funds and supplies, use of public office for private gain, procurement irregularities, and nepotism in the civil service. Some of the sources also looked at frameworks/mechanisms available to prevent and address corruption in a country, such as: the government’s ability to enforce integrity mechanisms; independence of anti-graft institutions; the effective prosecution of corrupt officials; conflict of interest prevention; access to information; freedom of speech and the media, and legal protection for whistleblowers, witnesses, journalists, and investigators.

Global Highlights:

CPI 2021 reveals that the fight against corruption has stagnated worldwide at a time when human rights and democracy are also under attack. This is no coincidence. Corruption enables human rights abuses. Conversely, ensuring basic rights and freedoms means there is less space for corruption to go unchallenged. The global average remains unchanged at a score of 43 out of 100 for the tenth year running. The top countries are Denmark (88), Finland (88) and New Zealand (88), Norway (85), and Sweden (85). The bottom countries are Somalia (13), Syria (13) and South Sudan (11).

The highest scoring region is Western Europe with an average score of 66. The lowest scoring regions are Sub-Saharan Africa (33), and Eastern Europe and Central Asia (36). The 33 average score of Sub-Saharan Africa shows a bleak picture of inaction against corruption in the region, as governments are doing very little to convincingly deal with the culture of impunity.

Regional Highlights and Trends:

In 2021, the Corruption Perception Index shows a decade of stagnating Corruption levels amid human rights abuses and democratic decline in Sub-Saharan Africa. Progress is stalled, while over 90 per cent of countries score below 50. The Sub-Saharan Africa average is 33, the lowest in the world. In the last decade, 43 countries in the region have either declined or made no significant progress.  Since 2012, Botswana (55), Liberia (29), Mali (29) and South Sudan (11) have significantly declined on the CPI.

 

With a score of 70, the Seychelles earns the highest mark in the region, followed by Botswana (55) and Cape Verde (58) as distant runners-up. Only six countries in the region have significantly improved their scores over that period: Seychelles (70), Senegal (43), Ethiopia (39), Tanzania (39), Côte d'Ivoire (36) and Angola (29).

Although no country is free of corruption, countries topping the CPI share characteristics of open government, press freedom, strong parliament/legislature, civil liberties, and independent judiciary. Meanwhile, countries at the bottom are characterized by widespread impunity for corruption; poor governance; and weak institutions, including but not limited to parliament/legislature and anti-corruption and integrity institutions.

Liberia’s Score and Performance:

Although Liberia’s score is 29, compared to 28 in 2019 and 2020 respectively, it remains an under performer and one of the biggest decliners worldwide, since 2012. The country now ranks 136/180 and remains further down the table, joining the list of countries significantly declining on the CPI. With the exception of Saint Lucia that has dropped fifteen (15) points and Syria (13) points, globally, only Liberia has fallen thirteen (12) points since 2012. Since the country attained her highest score of 41 in 2012, it has failed to perform any better. It must be indicated that Liberia’s improved performance then was largely due to passage of key laws and establishment of public integrity institutions. Unfortunately, the Country has since failed to make these institutions and laws work, as the laws are not enforced/respected and public integrity institutions are not fully supported (morally, financially, and otherwise) to satisfactorily deliver.  

CENTAL is deeply worried over Liberia’s continuous poor performance, especially her place among the Worst Decliners worldwide. In part, this speaks to the Liberian Government’s inability to address entrenched culture of impunity and fully enforce existing anti-corruption laws and policies. Liberians have heard more words and promises from the President and other public officials than concerted genuine efforts/actions in the fight against Corruption in the country.

There can be no successful fight against Corruption if the Rule of Law is not upheld; if the Legislature and the Judiciary are weak; if infrastructure projects are prioritized over governance and anti-corruption issues; if the President remains silent on numerous allegations of corruption against his officials; if the laws are meant for others and not senior government officials and their friends and relatives; and if, among other things, the national budget is used as a tool for political corruption and investigations into major scandals and allegations of corruption are stalled or seemingly endless.

Recommendations:

To help improve Liberia’s rating and performance on the CPI, regionally and globally, and reverse the growing negative trend and public perception about Government’s fight against corruption in the country, CENTAL recommends the below:

  1. That President George Weah leads by example and pursue a sincere and holistic fight against Corruption that does not protect certain individuals and groups accused of corruption, especially those who appear to be very close to the Presidency;
  2. That President Weah gives equal and even greater attention to anti-corruption and governance issues, just as he is keen about roads, market buildings, and other infrastructure projects;
  3. That President makes timely and appropriate appointments to fill existing multiple leadership gaps at public integrity institutions;
  4. That Government provides adequate funding and space for anti-corruption institutions to effectively perform. Continuous limited funding to the Liberia Anti-Corruption Commission, General Auditing Commission, Public Procurement and Concession Commission, and other public integrity institutions do not show true political will and commitment to national efforts against Corruption;
  5. That the Legislature be robust and independent in playing its role, ensuring that priority is given to anti-corruption and governance issues. Anti-corruption bills currently before the Legislature should be timely passed to somehow strengthen the fight against corruption in the country; and
  6. That civil society, media, ordinary citizens, and other actors remain constructively engaged with national efforts against corruption.

Signed:

Anderson Miamen,

0886818855/0776391481

PRESS STATEMENT FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

Monrovia, Thursday, January 13, 2022,

CENTAL Calls on President Weah to Prioritize Governance and Anti-Corruption Issues, if his Quest for Infrastructure Development Must Be Achieved

Distinguished ladies and gentlemen of the Press, fellow Liberians. CENTAL is glad to be partnering with the public integrity institutions, citizens, and other players to sustain the fight against Corruption in Liberia. Particularly, we are also glad that the Liberia Anti-Corruption Commission appears to be on the right trajectory in playing her role as the lead anti-corruption institution in the country, despite facing major challenges. Lately, the Commission has been in the media for the right reasons, with the only major exception being the conflict of interest saga involving its Vice-Chairperson, Cllr. Kanio Gbala, which is being investigated, but has lasted longer than expected.

Our media partners, we wish to thank President George Manneh Weah for his incessant quest to construct and rehabilitate roads, build housing units, construct markets, and address other infrastructure deficits of the Country. These and many more projects are needed to address the transportation, housing, and other immediate needs of citizens.

However, CENTAL is deeply concerned about the President’s limited commitment and attention to the fight against Corruption, which is an even bigger and greater issue that has implications for achieving success at all levels and in all sectors and institutions in Liberia. So far, commitment to the fight against corruption by the President has been/is limited, thus leading to the Country’s poor performance on key governance indicators, especially the Corruption Perception Index (CPI) of Transparency International. CPI rates Countries according to how Clean or Corrupt their public sectors are. Since 2018, Liberia has declined by four (4) points from a score of 32 to 28, an indication of less attention to anti-corruption and integrity-building efforts by the Government. This is corroborated by CENTAL’s State of Corruption Report published recently, in which 9 out of every 10 Liberians surveyed said Corruption is a major issue in Liberia.

While integrity institutions have been maintained, they have not been given the required attention and support to satisfactorily deliver on their mandates and functions. There are many indications. Nearly all public integrity institutions are without fully constituted leaderships at the moment. The Liberia Anti-Corruption Commission, Internal Audit Agency, Financial Intelligence Unit, Governance Commission and other critical governance and anti-corruption bodies do not have the required number of appointed, confirmed, and tenured officials. This has been lingering for two years and even more for some institutions, especially the Liberia Anti-Corruption Commission that leads the Country and Government’s fight against Corruption. This undermines their mandates, job security, and motivation, thus affecting their productivity levels and performance. Also, public integrity institutions are grossly underfunded, despite playing key roles in giving the Government and Country the required reputation, credibility and systems and controls needed to safeguard public resources and assets as well as mobilize the required domestic and external resources to fund key activities and processes. For over four years, the Office of the Ombudsman has not been established to oversee the implementation of the Code of Conduct for Public Officials, as provided for in the 2014 Code of Conduct for Public Officials. Additionally, allegations of corruption involving top officials of government have not been given the required attention, one being the head of special projects in the office of the President who was accused of soliciting bribe from an investor. Since an internal investigation was launched, for nearly half-year, there has been no update to the public about the status of such grave matter bordering on the credibility of the President’s office.

Distinguished ladies and gentlemen of the Press, while the President’s quest for infrastructure development is welcoming, equal and perhaps greater attention should be given to the fight against Corruption and efforts to entrench integrity values at all levels of society. In fact, it is the sincerity, robustness, and impartialness of the fight against Corruption that gives a country the standing, reputation, and credibility needed to win stakeholders’ trust and confidence as well as raise much-needed domestic and external resources to fund infrastructure and other projects critical to meeting the needs of the people.  It is a strong focus on the fight against Corruption and building of a strong deterrent regime that helps government to prevent corruption in procurement (contract award) and implementation processes, thereby ensuring that roads, markets, and other projects executed are of the required quality.

Without a robust and impartial fight against Corruption, the Government won’t succeed in delivering on its promises, especially deliverables and targets contained in the Pro-Poor Agenda for Prosperity and Development. While bills submitted to the Legislature to improve the legal framework for dealing with corruption are welcoming, entities that will preside over enforcement of these laws must be adequately funded, their leaderships fully constituted, and other well-meaning actions are taken if Government’s fight against Corruption must be taken seriously by citizens and development partners.

CENTAL strongly believes that the President and his government will only manifest the professed commitment and will to the fight against corruption by ensuring the following:

  1. Maintaining a conducive environment for anti-corruption and integrity building efforts by government, civil society, media and other players;
  2. Impartially and timely investigating and prosecuting those accused of corruption and leaving out no untouchables;
  3. Taking of administrative actions against those accused of corruption, including but not limited to indefinite suspension and dismissal;
  4. Fully implementing recommendations of audits and other investigative reports;
  5. Timely filling long-standing vacancies at public integrity institutions with individuals with the required credibility and track records of accountability and transparency in their dealings and actions; and
  6. Providing adequate and timely funding to public integrity institutions to deliver on their mandates.

Thank you.

Signed:

Management

Friday, 07 January 2022 17:01

The Gender-Based Violence Often Overlooked

The Gender-Based Violence Often Overlooked

By Akiah P. Glay, Ph.D.          

Gender-Based Violence (GBV) is manifested in many forms. Too often, however, attention is placed on addressing GBV in its physical and psychological form with economic violence given considerably less attention. Economic violence is often considered within the scope of emotional or psychological violence. But recently, scholars have begun to define economic violence as a unique form of violence. The European Institute for Gender Equity termed it as a unique and mandatory form of control behavior that the abuser uses in an intimate relationship other than physical, sexual and psychological abuse. According to marital dependency theory and interdependence theory, women who are forced into economic dependence are at risk of being stuck in a relationship.

Women’s economic concerns are regarded as one of the main reasons why they have difficulty leaving a violent relationship. In fact, economic violence reduces trust and women who are unmarried but are living with a male partner may be less likely to also leave an abused relationship. The best way to eradicate economic violence from Liberia is social inclusion—women and men including people living with disability should be represented equally in all sphere of the society. It has been 18 years since the end of the civil conflict, but the economy is still plagued with problems such as unemployment, and the very large subsistence agriculture sector still produces very little, while employment for the females and people living with disability is diminutive. This could be attributed to one of the many causes of abject poverty in Liberia.

Economic Gender-Based Violence can seriously impede the victims economic, physical and psychological health. It threatens the economic security and independence of the victim, limits their capacity to leave abusive relationships and make independent decision and potentially leads to adverse mental health effects. It has a negative consequence on the victim’s safety. Both males and females could be victims of such abuse but most precisely, women are the most victimize. World Health Organization (WHO) indicates  1 in 3 (30%) women Worldwide have suffered some form of violence in their life time. Women often fall   prey to violence, physical, emotional or physiological. Though organizations, both national and international have been trying to eradicate this, it seems it is not ending anytime soon. In 2007, the United Nations supported the Liberia Government to implement the  2006, National Action Plan for the Prevention and Management of Gender-Based Violence in Liberia, which planned to minimize GBV by 2011 by giving  quality care to survivors using a multi-sectoral and inter-agency approach. It categorized GBV interventions into five thematic areas: psychological, including economic empowerment of women and girls, health, legal/justice, protection/security, and coordination. The implementation was done in two phases- the first phase being implemented from 1 June 2008 to 31 May 2010. The second phase from 1 June 2010 – 31st May 2012. With all these efforts, women and girls remain the unemployed group in Liberia.   The Liberian government and all citizens of Liberia need to double up, do more to support activities that foster behavior change by challenging negative gender stereotypes, social norms and attitudes towards particular gender, and also develop mechanism that will minimize GBV and promote social inclusion of all gender including people living with disability.

Gender-Based violence especially violence committed against women and girls is increasing becoming rampant in Liberia. young women and girls are constantly falling prey to violence. In the daily newspapers, there are always storylines about rape, sexual and physical abuse of some sort. In September 2020, , Liberia through its President, His Excellence George Mannah Weah declared Rape a National Emergency issue and committed to give  $2 million to address the issue. He planned to introduced the first set of new measures to address the increase in violence against women which would have included designating a specific prosecutor to handle rape cases and setting up a national sex offender registry. He also commented to creating a national security task force to handle sexual and gender-based violence. Instead of $2 million, in the 2020/2021 FY budget, U.S. 1 million was allocated for the fight against Rape and U.S. 513,707, was used as reflected in the 2022FY budget. In 2021 sp. Budget U.S. 200,000 was allocated and used to combat rape in Liberia but more is yet to be done on women and girls education and empowerment.

 Ironically, people tend to hold on to specific doctrines that promotes the male gender. In a recent community forum held by the Center for Transparency and Accountability in Liberia (CENTAL), a question was posed to participants about the cause or causes of GBV. We were amazed to hear responses such as “women are lazy; they always want to eat man’s money. They want to dress and look good without knowing where the money is coming from. So, if I spend my money on you, you are mine.”  Jerome S. Zinnah from Gbarpolu County said “my wife can never know my salary because my responsibility is to feed her and the children, I don’t want her to be frisky on me.”  Another gentleman Siaka Beyan said “I would love to be honest and share what I have with my wife, but if I do, my friends will mock me and call me stupid. They will even say the woman has bewitched me.” A lady stood up, madame Fata Mawolo and said “as for me, my husband has refused to empower me with a business because, he thinks when I am selling and making money, I will find another man. because of jealousy, he has refused to give me market money.” These are all forms of controlled behavior which leads to GBV. Controlled behavior is when a person expects, compel, or requires another person to cater to their own needs even at their expense. Controlling people often prey on vulnerable people. It is not always as obvious as punches and bruises, but can also look like restrictions on movement, coercion into sex even though you do want it and also cutting off your autonomy so you become financially dependent.

In Liberia, the current population is 5,180,203 based on United Nations projections, July 1, 2021, retrieved from WorldPopulationreview.com. 2.52 % of the population are females and 2.54% are males, which indicates that the margin between the two gender is thin. The Liberia Labor Force Survey retrieved from the International Labor Organization (ILO) 2010 Report indicates that 148.000 males to 47.000 females have paid jobs. 1.1 million citizens of Liberia are self-employed and female make up a large percent of this amount. More to that, literacy rate is 65.6 % males to 49.2% females according to the LFS, 2010. Though, there might be some improvement, the challenges still remain.

Women access to sources of independent living in Liberia is very limited. Entrenched cultural barrier that placed them in the role of a housewife has also contributed immensely to their dependence as they do most of the unpaid job. Women spend a disproportionate amount of their time doing an unpaid job such as selling, producing crops, taking care of the household. It is important to note that poverty among women has its root in the category society has placed them. Poverty and socioeconomic inequality are both causes and consequences of economic abuse. Poorer women are more likely to be dependent on their male partners then working class women, and such dependency can be used as a tactic to control women, which may lead to abuse.  

Though, Liberia has done well through the passing of various bills such as the “Affirmative Action Bill” and the Equal Representation and Participation Act of 2016 to ensure women are equally represented in the both houses and at the local government level, still much is needed. Women representation in governance is still the lowest amongst its West African counterparts with 12% of women in Legislature and 6% holding local government position.

To have a socially inclusive society, the government must support more females in acquiring skills to enable them the opportunity in their life time. While the Affirmative Action Bill and the Equal Representation and Participation Act of 2016, may be relevant to social inclusion, building the skills and expertise of a female who has never had a paid job is essential to the proper implementation of these policies. Also, there is a need to Promote the economic, social and political empowerment of women and girls. This includes supporting economic empowerment and livelihoods programs, social protection and safety nets that support women and girls and the leadership and meaningful participation of women and girls at all levels of decision-making, this could be the best way to eradicate Economic Gender-Based Violence.

Tuesday, 14 December 2021 16:33

CSDFs and the Unintended Consequences

…Bomi and Gbarpolu in Focus

By: Sam Z. Zota, Jr.

The County Social Development Fund (CSDF) was established as part of the Government’s commitment to ensuring that the following objectives are achieved: ensure that funds allocated to counties are properly managed, accounted for, and applied in accordance with the County Development Plan; full participation of local inhabitants in the planning, development, and implementation of the CSDF; minimize the direct political influence in the management and implementation of the CSDF; and ensure value for public funds allotted to the counties as CSDF, (CSDF Act of 2018).

Despite these well-crafted objectives outlined in the CSDF Act of 2018, citizens in seven (7) of Liberia’s fifteen (15) counties feel left out of the process, especially in terms of transparency and accountability in the implementation of funds allocated to their respective communities.

Every year, the Law provides for the holding of County Council Sitting to decide on funds allocations to their respective counties. The implementations of projects decided in the County Council Sitting are carryout by the Project Management Committees (PMCs), usually elected by delegates to the Council Sittings.

“When they came here to renovate this building (the Suehn Mecca Statutory District Administrative Building), we asked the contractor to provide information to us about what exactly he will be doing and who sent him. He insulted us and said we were half-educated so he cannot give us any answer, so, we left them to do whatever they wanted,” said Sieh Momodu Domago, Township Commissioner, Cooper Town, Suehn Mecca District, Bomi County.

The renovation of the Suehn Mecca Statutory District Administrative Building in Cooper Town, Bomi County costs Twenty-Seven Thousand Two-Hundred Ninety-Seven United States Dollars ($27,297.00).  Citizens have blamed direct political influences in project implementations and lack of transparency for the continuous disrespect shown to local inhabitants and their leaders by contractors in the counties.

It is reported that most of the contractors hired to implement projects in the communities were either owned by local county authorities or influential politicians in the country. As a result of lack of access to information, citizens still remain doubtful of the sources of funds (CSDF, Legislative Support Projects, and politicians’ personal initiatives) for projects in their communities.

Some CSDF funded projects are claimed by politicians as their personal initiatives, like the water towers and modern latrine projects in the Gbalasuah Community in Tubmanburg, where the former Representative of Bomi County District #1, S. Gayah Karmo is believed to have constructed them as his personal initiative for the community.

“Just a few people using the toilet right now. After the lawmaker (former Rep. Karmo) finished the project, the people came overnight and stole the machine that supposed to pump water to the reservoir to be used to flush the toilet and for the shower,” said Fatu Kamara, a resident of the Gbalasuah Community in Tubmanburg.

According to the report from the Bomi County Project Management Committee (PMC), in 2017, the constructions of three (3) modern latrines in three (3) communities; four (4) water towels and four (4) 5.5KVA generators in Gbalasuah; Vai Town; Harmon Hill and Kondeh Communities cost ninety-nine thousand eight hundred and eight dollars thirty-six cent (US$99,808.36) from the CSDF.

“When they (Contractors) come to do a project in the community, they usually tell us that they were sent by the big-big people (people in authority) to develop our community and, they’re the ones they can report to, not us (community dwellers),” Vashti Seh, a resident of the Bahar Community in Tubmanburg said.

 In some communities, the contractors even demanded community dwellers to contribute local materials for the construction of structures that have been costed and paid for.

In Gbarpolu County, the Town Chief of Gbarquoita, Habakkuk M. Jallah said in 2017, the youth of the town were asked to produce all local materials (sand, sticks, rocks, etc.) for the construction of a clinic in the area. Since its construction nearly four years ago, the Gbarquoita Clinic is yet to serve the town with a population of over 2000 inhabitants.

Patients, including women in labour either walk or are transported in hammock for over three hours from the town to Bopolu City to access treatment. The structure is in ruins with bush overtaking it. Residents are becoming reluctant to continuously cutting grass and cleaning a structure that’s yet to become beneficial to them. The Gbarpolu County Project Management Committee (PMC) captured the Gbarquoita Clinic in its report as one of the projects funded by the CSDF, though the cost of the abandoned Clinic construction is not seen in the report. 

Like the Gbarquoita Clinic, the Youth Center constructed in Bopolu City with the CSDF is also in ruins, grass has overtaken the entire structure. A total of sixty-thousand nine-hundred and fifty-six dollars ninety-one cent (US$60,956.91) was spent so far for the Youth Center construction.  

The two PMCs reports (Bomi and Gbarpolu Counties) associate high costs for different projects that appeared to be unrealistic and don’t seem to match with the physical structures that are either completed or still in progress.

At the Macca Clinic in Mulbah Town in Bomi County, US$50,000.00 was said to have been spent for the construction of a set of three one-bed-room unfurnished apartments as Nurses’ Quarter. The tiling of the floors in the apartments are yet to be completed, while in Gbarpolu County, over two-hundred thousand United States Dollars (US200,000.00) was said to have been spent on the Bopolu City electrification and layout projects that are yet to be completed.  The Clinic has nine (9) staff, but only three of the nine (9) are residing in the Quarter.  

Citizens still do not feel the impacts of the CSDFs in their counties. Project implementations in the counties are reportedly marred by a lack of participation, transparency, and accountability.

Aligned with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), the CSDF mechanism presents an opportunity for citizens to engage and influence development agendas at the county levels. It is also a crucial local instrument that supports the CDC-led Government’s Pro-poor Agenda for Prosperity and Development (PAPD) which among other things, seeks to reduce poverty and increase efforts to address inequality.

As part of the government decentralization process, the CSDF empowers citizens in their respective counties throughout the 15 subdivisions of Liberia to decide the use of two-hundred thousand United States dollars (200,000.00USD) allotted in the national budget; to ensure that growth spreads to rural Liberia through county-driven development. But, according to the General Auditing Commission (GAC), the CSDF implementations have been marred by several discrepancies and unorthodox financial practices over the years.

To address the abuse and mismanagement of public resources and ensure accountable and impact-driven citizens-led development across Liberia, citizens believe that the Government of Liberia must ensure that the impartial implementation and enforcement of audit findings and recommendations by unbiasedly prosecuting people found liable for corruption.

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LOCATION

22nd Street, Sinkor
Tubman Boulevard
Monrovia, Liberia
Phone: +231 88 681 8855
Email: info@cental.org.lr
Website: www.cental.org.lr 

 

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